Kampagne für die Reform der Vereinten Nationen

Movement for UN Reform (UNFOR)

SI  VIS  PACEM  PARA  PACEM!

 If you want peace, prepare for peace!

平和を望むなら平和に備えよ

 

Unsere Themen und Projekte:

Menschenrechtsklage/Human Rights Complaint

The Right of Peoples to Peace

Tangiers as City of Peace and World Capital 

The Garland Canal Project

Korrespondenz mit dem Auswärtigen Amt online

Korrespondenz mit den Parteien und Fraktionen im Deutschen Bundestag

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THE LAW OF THE REVERSAL OF TENDENCIES

by Klaus Schlichtmann

 

ART. IX / 九条

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INTERESSANTER TEXT:

Walther SCHÜCKING, The International Union of the Hague Peace Conferences

 

INDIA and the Quest for an effective UNITED NATIONS ORGANIZATION

 

Deutsch lernen in Tokio?

KONTAKT: klaus.san@gmail.com

 

Täglich sterben über einhunderttausend Menschen an Hunger.

UNO-CHARTA UN CHARTER

CHARTE DES NATIONS UNIS

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Der Drei-Billionen-Dollar-Krieg

 

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Movement for UN Reform 2007

Centenary of the Second Hague Peace Conference

»To serve the Peace of the World «

 

 

PRIORITIES FOR UN REFORM:  

1.   PERMANENT PEOPLE’S ASSEMBLY

2.   PERMANENT SEAT FOR ‘GLOBAL SOUTH’

 

Since a consensus to reform the world body has not been reached, for the time being it will do to initially give just one permanent seat to one prominent member of the 'Global South', which is not represented at all so far. This country could be India, which might also be able and willing to push hard for nuclear and general disarmament under effective international control.

Alongside, an advisory ‘People’s Assembly’ should be established as a subsidiary organ under Article 22 of the UN Charter. This would ensure that the UN will be democratic and able to directly relate to the peoples of the world. By involving civil society and NGOs, giving them an institutional basis and an agenda, governments will obtain the necessary backing required to “establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained, and … social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom” can be promoted. Furthermore, with the help of NGOs and civil society, properly instated as a ‘People’s Assembly’ besides the UN General Assembly, it might be possible, again in the words of the UN Charter’s Preamble, to “ensure … that armed force shall not be used, save in the common interest, and … international machinery for the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples” can be successfully employed. Some interesting thoughts and proposals by well-known scholars may be accessed via (Reform Series Publication)

More comprehensive UN reforms could be scheduled for a second stage in the reform process, say five years from now, when the resolution of some of those issues vital for preserving world peace, like genuine disarmament initiatives and the pacific settlement of disputes, as well as the solution to some of the pressing economic, social and environmental issues have been brought well under way.

Since a large number of countries including China and Russia seem to favor India, initially giving India a permanent UN Security Council seat might also be a way toward finding common ground between Japan and China. A great number of benefits could be listed that would ensue if such a measure were adopted, requiring little change in the UN Charter text.

In addition, countries like the Republic of Korea or the Federal Republic of Germany might consider 'seconding' Article 9 of the 1947 Japanese Constitution, which is in effect a 'motion' on the part of the Japanese to abolish war as an institution. I keenly feel we should revive interest in the McCloy-Zorin Accords, supported by Kennedy and Khrushchev, and unanimously adopted by the UNGA in 1961! Ideally, the European Union would take the initiative in supporting and implementing the far-reaching plans which the McCloy-Zorin Accords envisaged.

Concerning Article 9 I have the following story:

The Principle of Sovereign Equality (in the UN Charter) is like a house, in which all the windows must be closed at all times, so as not to let in the winds of change. But once you start opening windows, change becomes inevitable. The Japanese Article 9 is like a single window opened. By itself it does not bring about any change. If a second window were opened, just beside the first one, you will get a little draft. This is what would happen if a close neighbor like the Republic of Korea, for example, were to adopt the position of Article 9. If a window is opened at the opposite end of the house (say in Europe), you will get a great draft. The result will be that soon the winds of change are moving everywhere.

 

PERSÖNLICHES

Personal 僕のこと

KONSENSMODELL

Consensus model

RUNDBRIEFE

Round letters

KORRESPONDENZ

Correspondence

VERÖFFENTLICHUNGEN

Publications 出版されている私の記事

FRIEDENSVERFASSUNG

Peace Constitutions 平和憲法

VÖLKERRECHT

TEXTE            Texts

ÖKOLOGIE     Ecology

LITERATUR       Literature 

ZITATE & SPRÜCHE Sayings

IGH ICJ

GUT:

http://www.democracynow.org

 

FRIEDRICH NIETZSCHE:

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Human, All too Human

284 The means to real peace. -

No government nowadays admits that it maintains an army so as to satisfy occasional thirsts for conquest; the army is supposed to be for defence. That morality which sanctions self-protection is called upon to be its advocate. But that means to reserve morality to oneself and to accuse one‘s neighbour of immorality, since he has to be thought of as ready for aggression and conquest if our own state is obliged to take thought of means of self-defence; moreover, when our neighbour denies any thirst for aggression just as heatedly as our State does, and protests that he too maintains an army only for reasons of legitimate self-defence, our declaration of why we require an army declares our neighbour a hypocrite and cunning criminal who would be only too happy to pounce upon a harmless and unprepared victim and subdue him without a struggle. This is how all states now confront one another: they presuppose an evil disposition in their neighbour and a benevolent disposition in themselves. This presupposition, however, is a piece of inhumanity as bad as, if not worse than, a war would be; indeed, fundamentally it already constitutes an invitation to and cause of wars, because, as aforesaid, it imputes immorality to one‘s neighbour and thereby seems to provoke hostility and hostile acts on his part. The doctrine of the army as a means of self-defence must be renounced just as completely as the thirst for conquest. And perhaps there will come a great day on which a nation distinguished for wars and victories and for the highest development of military discipline and thinking, and accustomed to making the heaviest sacrifices on behalf of these things, will cry of its own free will: ,we shall shatter the sword‘ - and demolish its entire military machine down to its last foundations. To disarm while being the best armed, out of anelevation of sensibility - that is the means to real peace, which must always rest on a disposition for peace: whereas the so-called armed peace such as now parades about in every country is a disposition to fractiousness which trusts neither itself nor its neighbour and fails to lay down its arms half out of hatred, half out of fear. Better to perish than to hate and fear, and twofold better to perish than to make oneself hated and feared - this must one day become the supreme maxim of every individual state! - As is well known, our liberal representatives of the people lack the time to reflect on the nature of man: otherwise they would know that they labour in vain when they work for a ,gradual reduction of the military burden‘. On the contrary, it is only when this kind of distress is at its greatest that the only kind of god that can help here will be closest at hand.  The tree of the glory of war can be destroyed only at a single stroke, by a lightning-bolt: lightning, however, as you well know, comes out of a cloud and from on high. (R.J. Hollingdale, transl., Human, All Too Human. A Book for Free Spirits, Cambridge Texts in the History of Philosophy (1996), pp. 380-81)

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