Kampagne für die Reform der Vereinten Nationen

Movement for UN Reform (UNFOR)

SI  VIS  PACEM  PARA  PACEM!

 If you want peace, prepare for peace!

平和を望むなら平和に備えよ

 

Unsere Themen und Projekte:

Menschenrechtsklage/Human Rights Complaint

The Right of Peoples to Peace

Tangiers as City of Peace and World Capital 

The Garland Canal Project

Korrespondenz mit dem Auswärtigen Amt online

Korrespondenz mit den Parteien und Fraktionen im Deutschen Bundestag

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counter gratis

Is Germany actually blocking the development of the UNITED NATIONS to become an effective System of Collective Security?

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THE LAW OF THE REVERSAL OF TENDENCIES

by Klaus Schlichtmann

 

ART. IX / 九条

Unterstützer

支援してくださっている人々

INTERESSANTER TEXT:

Walther SCHÜCKING, The International Union of the Hague Peace Conferences

 

INDIA and the Quest for an effective UNITED NATIONS ORGANIZATION

 

Deutsch lernen in Tokio?

KONTAKT: klaus.san@gmail.com

 

Täglich sterben über einhunderttausend Menschen an Hunger.

UNO-CHARTA UN CHARTER

CHARTE DES NATIONS UNIS

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Der Drei-Billionen-Dollar-Krieg

 

·Wie werde ich friedensaktiv ?·

Mitmachen   HIER   eintragen

Biography of Shidehara Kijûrô

(CLICK HERE for a summary of the author's dissertation)

 日本語

The Japanese diplomat, Shidehara Kijûrô (1872-1951), was an internationalist and a pacifist (of what may be called ‘organizational’ or scientific pacifism). having studied law at Tokyo's Imperial University under Hozumi Nobushige, he was in London in 1899, shortly after the First Hague Peace Conference, and followed the Second Peace Conference and the events leading up to it very closely. He was at The Hague from 16 June 1914 to September 1915, as Japanese minister to the Netherlands and Denmark, before he became Vice-Minister of foreign affairs. From 1918 to 1924 he was on the list of judges for the Permanent Court of Arbitration, and as ambassador in Washington from 1919-22 he was a chief negotiator at the Naval Disarmament Conference, one of the architects of the ‘Washington System’, also returning Shantung to China. He was acquainted with the American Movement to outlaw war. One of his beliefs was: “That which Buddhism teaches, the law of rewards in accordance with deeds (inga ôhô), is also true in international relations.”

Shidehara seems to have been friends with Dr. John Loudon, the Dutch Foreign Minister, and met C. van Vollenhoven, and endorsed his ideas (as found in Vollenhoven’s proposal for an international police presented at the XXe Congrès universel de la Paix in August 1913 at The Hague, his Drie treden van het volkenrecht, Martinus Nijhoff, 1919, his ‘Grotius and Geneva’, Bibliotheca Visseriana, 1926, and The Law of Peace, Macmillan 1936. Vollenhoven in his The Law of Peace, p. 257, states that “in 1925 Japan was the only country, alongside the Netherlands, Flanders and the United States, paying homage to Grotius’ book. And right up to 1931, indeed, the study of Grotius was becoming continually more popular in Japan.” This was the time when Shidehara was foreign minister, pursuing a ‘pacifist’, conciliatory, and internationalist policy. And of course the chief exponent after World War 1 of Grotius’ work was Vollenhoven.

As foreign minister (l924-27 and 1929-31), Shidehara returned the Boxer indemnity funds to China, to be used in cultural field. He went into ‘inner emigration’ after the Manchurian crisis, though he continued to exert influence on the side of those trying to restrain the military. After 1941 he was the most prominent among Japanese extending ‘peace feelers’, to end the war at an early date. After the war, as Prime Minister between October 1945 and May 1946, he brought about many changes under the direction of the occupation forces, and has been credited by many as having suggested the famous Article 9 of the Japanese constitution to Douglas MacArthur on 24 January 1946. Shidehara often said: “Let us create a world without war together with the world-humanity (sekai jinrui),” i.e. the global community, the peoples of the world.

(see also LINK)

 

PERSÖNLICHES

Personal 僕のこと

KONSENSMODELL

Consensus model

RUNDBRIEFE

Round letters

KORRESPONDENZ

Correspondence

VERÖFFENTLICHUNGEN

Publications 出版されている私の記事

FRIEDENSVERFASSUNG

Peace Constitutions 平和憲法

VÖLKERRECHT

TEXTE            Texts

ÖKOLOGIE     Ecology

LITERATUR       Literature 

ZITATE & SPRÜCHE Sayings

IGH ICJ

GUT:

http://www.democracynow.org

 

FRIEDRICH NIETZSCHE:

フリードリッヒ  ニーチェ: 

Deutsch      日本語      français

Human, All too Human

284 The means to real peace. -

No government nowadays admits that it maintains an army so as to satisfy occasional thirsts for conquest; the army is supposed to be for defence. That morality which sanctions self-protection is called upon to be its advocate. But that means to reserve morality to oneself and to accuse one‘s neighbour of immorality, since he has to be thought of as ready for aggression and conquest if our own state is obliged to take thought of means of self-defence; moreover, when our neighbour denies any thirst for aggression just as heatedly as our State does, and protests that he too maintains an army only for reasons of legitimate self-defence, our declaration of why we require an army declares our neighbour a hypocrite and cunning criminal who would be only too happy to pounce upon a harmless and unprepared victim and subdue him without a struggle. This is how all states now confront one another: they presuppose an evil disposition in their neighbour and a benevolent disposition in themselves. This presupposition, however, is a piece of inhumanity as bad as, if not worse than, a war would be; indeed, fundamentally it already constitutes an invitation to and cause of wars, because, as aforesaid, it imputes immorality to one‘s neighbour and thereby seems to provoke hostility and hostile acts on his part. The doctrine of the army as a means of self-defence must be renounced just as completely as the thirst for conquest. And perhaps there will come a great day on which a nation distinguished for wars and victories and for the highest development of military discipline and thinking, and accustomed to making the heaviest sacrifices on behalf of these things, will cry of its own free will: ,we shall shatter the sword‘ - and demolish its entire military machine down to its last foundations. To disarm while being the best armed, out of anelevation of sensibility - that is the means to real peace, which must always rest on a disposition for peace: whereas the so-called armed peace such as now parades about in every country is a disposition to fractiousness which trusts neither itself nor its neighbour and fails to lay down its arms half out of hatred, half out of fear. Better to perish than to hate and fear, and twofold better to perish than to make oneself hated and feared - this must one day become the supreme maxim of every individual state! - As is well known, our liberal representatives of the people lack the time to reflect on the nature of man: otherwise they would know that they labour in vain when they work for a ,gradual reduction of the military burden‘. On the contrary, it is only when this kind of distress is at its greatest that the only kind of god that can help here will be closest at hand.  The tree of the glory of war can be destroyed only at a single stroke, by a lightning-bolt: lightning, however, as you well know, comes out of a cloud and from on high. (R.J. Hollingdale, transl., Human, All Too Human. A Book for Free Spirits, Cambridge Texts in the History of Philosophy (1996), pp. 380-81)

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